Polling data gathered by a well-known broadcaster has offered an early look at how voters in Uttar Pradesh are thinking ahead of the 2027 state assembly contest. No other Indian state sends as many representatives to the Lok Sabha — 80 in total — or contains as many Assembly constituencies as Uttar Pradesh, whose 403 seats give it an outsized footprint in the country's electoral landscape.
Fieldwork for the poll ran from 17 September through 2 October 2026, drawing responses from 30,925 people spread across every one of Uttar Pradesh's 75 districts. Survey data released by the broadcast outlet put the NDA's share of a hypothetical Assembly election vote at roughly two-thirds — 66.6 per cent — while the SP-Congress alliance trailed at 26.4 per cent and the Bahujan Samaj Party drew 5.4 per cent of respondent support.
When respondents were asked to name their preferred chief minister, nearly two-thirds — 66.2 per cent — pointed to Yogi Adityanath, with Akhilesh Yadav drawing backing from roughly one in four, at 24.4 per cent.
Across the 2022 Assembly contest, BJP candidates secured 255 of the available seats, and when allied parties added their own returns, the broader NDA grouping reached a combined tally of 273. A coalition headed by the SP secured 125 seats in the contest. Two seats went to Congress, while BSP's tally stopped at one. With that outcome, the BJP secured another term governing Uttar Pradesh, and Yogi Adityanath became the first chief minister in the state for several decades whose party had held office through a complete five-year tenure before winning again.
Voting patterns in the 2024 Lok Sabha contest produced an outcome that diverged from prior expectations. In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP held 33 of the contested seats, with the broader NDA grouping accounting for 36 across the state. Combining their seat tallies — 37 for the Samajwadi Party and six for Congress — the opposition alliance arrived at a joint total of 43.
Addressing party members in May 2024, J. P. Nadda — at that point serving as BJP national president — put forward the view that the organisation had developed enough internal capacity to chart its own course, a contrast he drew with earlier periods when reliance on the RSS had been more pronounced. The comments came to light at a point when the two institutions were reported to be in disagreement, with doubts raised about the effectiveness of their coordination during the Lok Sabha election. Accounts also circulated of friction over how the Uttar Pradesh campaign was being run, including questions about the degree to which Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath held sway over which candidates were put forward.
A trip by Prime Minister Modi to the RSS memorial housed at Dr Hedgewar Smruti Mandir in Nagpur took place on 30 March 2025, with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in attendance. Some observers read the visit as an attempt to strengthen the relationship between the BJP and the organisation widely regarded as its ideological foundation.
Rooted in its established voter base yet reaching toward other communities — those falling under the "Other Backward Classes" designation, Dalit groups, and religious minorities — the SP has packaged this coalition-building effort under the PDA label, an acronym drawn from the Hindi words Pichhde, Dalit, and Alpsankhyak. In Uttar Pradesh, the party's Lok Sabha tally climbed to six seats during the 2024 general election, up from the two constituency victories it had recorded in the 2022 state assembly contest. How the party converts coalition-dependent victories into a durable voter base of its own stands as an unresolved strategic question heading toward 2027.
Between the 2017 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, when the BSP held 19 seats, and the 2024 Lok Sabha contest, where the party returned no representatives from UP at all, its tally had contracted to a single Assembly seat by 2022. At 5.4 per cent, the figure recorded by the survey puts the BSP behind the vote shares it attracted in previous rounds of polling.
Voter attention turned to the Faizabad constituency — the area that encompasses Ayodhya — after the Samajwadi Party took the seat in the 2024 parliamentary contest. Voter behaviour across the constituencies surrounding the temple made clear that its symbolic weight in national politics does not translate uniformly into electoral advantage at the local level.
The polling wrapped up well ahead of the Assembly election that had been anticipated. Between the moment a poll closes and the day voters actually cast their ballots, a wide range of factors — from who ends up on the ticket and what coalition deals get struck, to how local grievances play out and what unfolds on the campaign trail — can pull public opinion in a different direction.